Weapons: What Are They Good For?

I dislike any time we add an extra step that requires information held by two or more parties. In this case, the extra step is that the successful attacker has to ask the target what type of armor they have before determining damage. In my mind, damage is the resolution phase of an attack and so should quickly proceed. The moment of 'tension' was when the attacker has to ask the target if they hit or not. Repeating that step for damage would just drag it out.

Old School Hack differentiated weapons based on what type of 'arena' you were in or by damage type. That sort of had the desired effect the OP is aiming towards. In my game I took a similar approach to OSH with more focus on different types of damage. In each instance, though, all of the required information to resolve the rest of the successful attack rests with the attacking party. For me that is a big deal. Reasonable minds may disagree.
 

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Instead of requiring two-party knowledge like 1e attack vs. defense modifications, one could modify defenses so that they generally work well against certain attacks without the attacker or the defender requiring specific knowledge of the other party's weapon/armor types.

As an example, take 3e's damage types and damage reduction. Weapons deal one or more of slashing, piercing, and bludgeoning damage, and DR can be penetrated by one of those types. So instead of saying "Maces and flails are good against full plate and weak against leather, while rapiers are good against leather but weak against full plate" one can instead grant full plate DR 5/bludgeoning and leather DR 5/piercing. That way, someone attacking with a rapier just has to say "I deal 10 piercing damage," and the DM subtracts 5 HP from the guy with full plate or 10 from the guy in leather. The more generality and the fewer corner cases you introduce, the better.

Likewise, when dealing with edge cases like daggers going into visor slits of prone opponents or longspears dealing with ogres and dragons better, take a step back and look at the larger picture. Is is that the dagger a special weakness of full plate? No, it's that thin weapons that can be maneuvered into weak points are good against heavily-armored people. Likewise, longspears aren't giant-slaying machines, rather two-handed weapons are good against larger opponents due to their extra reach and force. So make the rules reflect that, with whatever granularity you find appropriate (e.g. "Light weapons add Dex to damage against targets in heavy armor" or "piercing weapons deal +10 damage when dealing a coup de grace against a prone target" or whatever) rather than trying to recreate the attack-vs.-AC interaction matrices from 1e.
 


Or...not...

And that was likely the equivalent of a higher draw strength than what is used here to demonstrate rapid fire.
Besides, that doesn't look very lethal when you consider the additional armor knights wore below the plate. Unless you land a pretty good hit I wouldn't count on that disabling an attacker.
 
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Or...not. .

Oh, goody.

The longbows vs. plate armour debate again.

I keep an essay full of citations of historical accounts of longbows vs. plate armour on hand for such occasions.

Do read on:

Agincourt is the last of the great English longbow victories. The weapon did not prove as effective against advancing armour technology. Plate armour won the conflict with the longbow. Sure, there was a back-and-forth, and at times the longbow even had the upper hand at a few points in the 14th century, but ultimately plate armour prevailed. It took the advent of effective firearms to drive armour from the battlefield. William Turner, writing hudreds of years later in the late 17th century argues that longbow use should be revived because, "...arrows would do more mischief than formerly they did: since neither men nor horses are so well armed now to resist them, as in former ages they used to be." Essentially, he believed that a force of longbowmen would be effective in battle since they can shoot more quickly than musketeers, but also because soldiers would be vulnerable to the arrows precisely because they no longer made a practice of wearing armour into battle. He acknowledges that armour defeated arrows and drove the longbow from its once-exalted position on the battlefield. A century later, none other than Benjamin Franklin would echo his words.

The longbow won at Crecy, Poitiers, and Agincourt simply because the English got to pick the battlefield and made the French fight on their terms, which included placing their longbowmen behind substantial field fortifications. What conclusion should we draw from the results of other battles in which English archers were ridden down by the very heavy cavalry whose bane they supposedly were? In the batle of Patay, that's just what happened. Where was the longbow's armour-piercing power then?

I submit the following passage from Dr. Michael Lacy's paper on the Effectiveness of Medieval Knightly Armour. This portion deals with the battle of Flodden (1513) wherein the Scots fielded a force clad in the latest plate infantry armours mass-produced on the Continent:

"...the longbow, so decisive in the wars of the last century, was defeated by the heavy German armour of the Scottish front ranks; a contemporary accounts describe them as "most assuredly harnesed" in armour, and that they "abode the most dangerous shot of arrows, which sore them annoyed but yet except it hit them in some bare place, did them no hurt." Bishop Ruthal, writing 10 days after the battle remarked "they were so well cased in armour that the arrows did them no harm, and were such large and stout men that one would not fall when four or five bills struck them."

That's right, contemporary English chroniclers reveal that the longbow did not pierce armour. Other accounts from Poitiers and Brouwershaven (1426) tell similar stories, to say nothing of reports of battles from the English dynastic struggle known as the Wars of the Roses in which both sides turned the longbow on each other, in which it is specially pointed out that Lords Clifford and Dacre were not vulnerable to arrows until they had lifted their visors to drink or shout or breathe.

More near the time of Agincourt, here is a passage from the biography of Don Pero Niño, a Spanish privateer, who raided the English coast a couple of years before Agincourt:

"...they (the Spanish) were so near them (the English) that they could easily tell the fair men from the dark...the standard and he who bore it were likewise riddled with arrows, and the standard bearer had as many round his body as a bull in the ring, but he was shielded by his good armour"

For what it's worth, that standard bearer was none other than the author of this account himself, Gutierre Diaz de Gamez. It is noteworthy that his plate armour enabled him to survive a close-range arrow onslaught and live to write this passage years later.

The longbow was not the "king of the battlefield," the magical nuclear armour-piercer that its fanboys want you to believe. It was only effective under certain controlled circumstances, and even then was mostly an anti-cavalry weapon. Don't buy the hype. Don't misunderstand me--the English were awesome during the early part of the Hundred Years War, but it was because of their strategic expertise, and canny use of combined arms tactics, not because they possessed some magical, battle-winning wonder weapon.

I do not say that most of the casualties at Agincourt are the result of Henry's slaughtering of prisoners, but it can't be denied that that action did indeed inflate the numbers of men of rank who perished there.

I think I do make mention of the fact that the English were caught out in the open as being a decisive factor in the French victory. Again, IMO the English longbow seems to prevail over armoured men only if the English get to choose the ground and have time to set up their stakes and such beforehand.

I have lately dug up another account in support of armour stopping arrows. This is from a letter written by one Jehan Baugey, and dated 16 September 1475:

"That Monday after supper the English (mercenary longbowmen) quarreled over a wench and wanted to kill each other. As soon as the duke (of Burgundy) heard of this, he went to them with a few people to appease them but they, not recognizing the duke, as they claimed, shot two or three times directly at him with their bows. (The arrows went) very near his head and it was extraordinarily lucky that he was not killed, for he had no armour on at all."

The Burgundians had been hiring English longbowmen as mercenaries for decades at this point, and would have been intimately familiar with the power of the longbow. Yet they still expected that plate armour would have saved a man if he were struck by one of those arrows. What conclusion should we draw from this?

Here is a passage from Vaughan's Philip the Good that deals with the battle of Brouwershaven:

"...they (The English) returned fire with their deadly long-bows and drove the Dutch back in disorder. However, arrows could make no impression on Philip and his heavily-armed knights, who now arrived on the scene. The chronicler points out that Andrieu de Valines was killed by an arrow in the eye because he was not wearing a helmet."

Here, not only do we again have the expectation that a helmet would have saved one man, but a direct statement that the arrows from those longbows made no impression on the (presumably plate-clad) knights.

So there you are: evidence from several primary sources attesting to the ineffectiveness of longbows against steel plate armour. I can't seem to find any sources stating that arrows killed men through plate armour.

Even the recent book by Strickland and Hardy, The Great Warbow--surely the authoritative work on the subject, in its obligatory armour vs. arrows chapter pretty much admits that good-quality plate would keep a man from being killed by arrows, and lists a few more accounts that reinforce that position that I have not noted above.

The longbow was not some magical point-and-click, bang-you're-dead superbadass weapon that automatically pierced all armour. I politely call on you to graciously revise your position on the issue.
 
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I get this funny feeling that RPG's, with their turn based mechanics, never quite modeled correctly the fact that the melee'ist had to close with the ranged attacker, and that in that time, the ranged attacker had the opportunity for a couple of attacks. Doesnt mean the ranged guy had rapid fire, it meant he had time. This in turn lead to "Hey, lets give the 2 APR" (2e) and we have since envisaged the bow as a kind on medieval machine gun.

I could be wrong about this. Am I? Always been curious.

Remember that outdoors, the ranges for missiles were expressed as yards. So at typical sight encounter distance in open grassland, an archer might have quite a few rounds of missile fire before an attacker was even close.

And in any event 2 shots in 1 minute is very conservative.
 

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