No disagreements. Never meant to imply otherwise. This is often how complaints are conducted -- throw everything you can at it and take what sticks.See the article I quoted above about prayer in school: an offense can violate more than one clause of the Constitution simultaneously. You don't have to stop just because you've got grounds for one violation if multiples are present.
With the exception of not quite understanding how both works there, I'll agreeably stipulate that the violation was based on sexual identity and was religiously motivated. However, religious motivation is not a test under the Establishment clause. So you can consider it, but it won't pass muster.Here, the violation was both based on sexual identity AND religiously motivated (as per the explicit claims of the clerk). In fact, it could be argued that, but for her religion, she might not have raised the objection.
IOW, an Establishment clause violation can be considered.
No, that's not correct. You don't see those challenged because religious motivation is not covered under the Establishment clause. Effects are covered, motivations aren't. It's perfectly okay to have a religious motivation if you have a secular compelling interest. If you don't have a compelling secular interest, then the effect fails the last prong of the Lemon test because it does a religious thing only. In the current case, it would be hard to characterize sexual orientation discrimination as a religious thing only because it doesn't check for religion at all -- it doesn't punish non-believers, it doesn't require adherence to a religious tenant, it doesn't require membership in a religious organization. It's test and effect are entirely secular because sexual orientation is not a religious test. So having a religious motivation isn't sufficient to invoke the Establishment clause because there's no religious test or endorsement.Motivation always matters. The reason why you DON'T see successful Establishment clause challenges is that the mere presence of a religious motivation is insufficient to win the challenge as long as there is another compelling interest in retaining the law. Case law is littered with such decisions.
Yup, no disagreement. And, if discrimination based on sexual orientation was legal (like it was, oh, last year), then denying people with the wrong sexual orientation based on religious beliefs would similarly be okay. The only thing that changed here was that it became illegal to discriminate based on sexual orientation. That's it. So what she did is in violation of the 14th, yes and very much so, but not the 1st.Certain faiths call for the ritualized slaughter of animals. If the majority of a municipality finds one such faith's practices religiously repugnant and convinces their council to pass a law governing the slaughter of animals within city limits in such a way that prevents those faiths from performing their sacrifices within city limits, that law will withstand an Establishment clause challenge so long as the city can show that it works in conjunction- and non-discriminatorily- with the city's other regulations regarding zoning, sanitation, disposal of animal carcasses, cruelty to animals, licensing requirements for slaughterhouses in general, etc.
With the exception of not quite understanding how both works there, I'll agreeably stipulate that the violation was based on sexual identity and was religiously motivated. However, religious motivation is not a test under the Establishment clause. So you can consider it, but it won't pass muster.
No, that's not correct. You don't see those challenged because religious motivation is not covered under the Establishment clause. Effects are covered, motivations aren't. It's perfectly okay to have a religious motivation if you have a secular compelling interest. If you don't have a compelling secular interest, then the effect fails the last prong of the Lemon test because it does a religious thing only. In the current case, it would be hard to characterize sexual orientation discrimination as a religious thing only because it doesn't check for religion at all -- it doesn't punish non-believers, it doesn't require adherence to a religious tenant, it doesn't require membership in a religious organization. It's test and effect are entirely secular because sexual orientation is not a religious test. So having a religious motivation isn't sufficient to invoke the Establishment clause because there's no religious test or endorsement.
...if discrimination based on sexual orientation was legal (like it was, oh, last year), then denying people with the wrong sexual orientation based on religious beliefs would similarly be okay. The only thing that changed here was that it became illegal to discriminate based on sexual orientation. That's it. So what she did is in violation of the 14th, yes and very much so, but not the 1st.
I've mentioned the other prongs, but they're not relevant here.I don't know where you get this fixation on "tests", because that is not the end-all, be-all of the Establishment Clause.
No, that's prima facie evidence for a 14th violation. The gay members could have entirely conformed to the strictures of her faith, and would still have been denied. They weren't denied because of belief, or faith, or failures in either, they were denied because they were gay (or specifically, because they wanted to marry someone of the same sex). There was no religious belief they could profess that would have allowed them to get a license.In the RW case we're discussing, not only did the clerk PERSONALLY deny licenses to gays based on the tenets of her faith, she also prevented everyone in her office from doing so as long as her name was on the forms because of those same tenets AND declared that those licenses issued without her name were void. (KY law actually explicitly allows deputy clerks to issue valid forms.) IOW, a couple could only get a valid marriage license as long as they conformed to the strictures of of her faith, no exceptions. That's a prima facie case for an EC violation.
Excellent! Which one of those covers denying same sex marriage? Not the motivation for denying, because none of those speak to motivation, only to effect.So we're all using the same terminology, here is Justice Black's clarification of the EC:
Neither a state nor the federal government can set up a church.
Neither can pass laws which aid one religion, aid all religions nor prefer one religion over another.
Neither can force nor influence a person to go to or to remain away from church against his will or force him to profess a belief or disbelief in any religion.
No person can be punished for entertaining or professing religious beliefs or disbeliefs, for church attendance or non-attendance.
No tax in any amount, large or small, can be levied to support any religious activities or institutions, whatever they may be called or whatever form they may adopt to teach or practice religion.
Neither a state nor the federal government can openly or secretly participate in the affairs of any religious organizations or groups and vice versa.
Again, excellent! For prong one, there is a secular purpose -- the discrimination based on sexual orientation. That's a secular reason because it has no religious basis -- motivation, yes, but not a basis. You could be any religion, but it's the state of being gay that causes the discrimination. Of course, this isn't a legal purpose under other laws, but that's not the test under this prong.This is the Lemon Test:
Does the challenged law, or other governmental action, have a bona fide secular (non-religious) or civic purpose?
Does the primary effect of the law or action neither advance nor inhibit religion? In other words, is it neutral?
Does the law or action avoid excessive entanglement of government with religion?
O'Connor's suggestions aren't currently thought of as sound jurisprudence, being overly broad. However, it still works here because there is not religious message being endorsed or disapproved of, it's being gay that's being disapproved of.The Endorsement Test (O'Connor)
Government practices may not have the effect of communicating a message of government endorsement or disapproval of religion.
Again, no one's being coerced into participation or avoidance of religion - it's being gay that's being discriminated against.The Coercion Test (Kennedy)
The Constitution guarantees that government may not coerce anyone to support or participate in religion or its exercise.
No it doesn't. How odd. If this is the case, then the approval of same sex marriage invites an EC challenge under the same judicial theory. It doesn't. Religious approval or disapproval of a secular matter (such as the issuing of marriage licenses to same sex persons, a clearly secular issue) have no bearing because the matter is secular. Only if it also implies endorsement or inhibition of one of the religions would that even be the case. The fact that many religions do permit, and that it's a matter of discussion in whats-her-name's religion (my memory doesn't want to hold onto her name for some reason) actually cuts against an EC challenge.Since- as mentioned before- there ARE faiths that permit same-sex marriage, any denial of such (even before the recent SCOTUS decision) begs the question of an EC issue, since it interferes with the free practice of those faiths (Black, Lemon).
That's not the test under those theories. It's does the act explicitly endorse or coerce religious activities. Same sex marriage is not a religious activity (as far as the law is concerned, at least).It also arguably prioritizes the beliefs of certain faiths over others without any legal alternatives (Black, Endorsement, Coercion).
Posner was asking under the due process clause, which uses a similar compelling interest test to the Establishment clause. I can't find anywhere where he asked questions under the theory of an EC violation.This is why even respected conservative jurists like 7th Circuit appellate judge Richard Posner kept asking those various AGs tasked with the defense of denying marriage equality for a bona fide secular purpose for doing so (Lemon).
Discrimination based on sexual orientation is secular, because sexual orientation is not a religious belief. That's sufficient to make this case based on a secular purpose -- denial of same sex marriage licenses. Motivation for the denial doesn't come into it once you can establish a clear secular purpose. That discrimination of same sex marriage was found to be illegal under other law (and the EC didn't show up at all in those decisions), it's hard to say that it suddenly applies to the very same issue it's been absent from.But, even if there were not faiths that recognized same-sex marriage, you still raise the identical issues, since the EC also precludes the establishment of edicts of faith over secular laws. That's why the Lemon test's key is the demand for a "bona fide secular (non-religious) or civic purpose". Quote whatever scripture you want to support your position- the Bible, the Torah, the Koran, the Vedas, etc.- all are immaterial if you can't prove a secular/civic justification.
Posner used the word 'secular' once in his opinion, and it wasn't crucial to his decisions. He hammered the lawyers for a compelling government interest under due process, not the EC. The EC was absent from his decision entirely.Richard Posner would hammer that point each time- no lawyer succeeded in articulating a secular rationale for opposing same sex marriage that hadn't been shot down in prior constitutional marriage laws involving heterosexual marriage rights, like Loving.
You realize that 'secular' doesn't appear anywhere in that article, yes? Nor does 'Establishment Clause'. 'Due Process' shows up, though.Here are excerpts from a couple of exchanges he had with the AGs of Indiana & Wisconsin at Slate:
http://www.slate.com/blogs/outward/...r_destroy_arguments_against_gay_marriage.html
No, that's prima facie evidence for a 14th violation. The gay members could have entirely conformed to the strictures of her faith,
(Yes they were, by the explicit testimony of the person denying their right to marry.)and would still have been denied. They weren't denied because of belief...
or faith, or failures in either, they were denied because they were gay (or specifically, because they wanted to marry someone of the same sex). There was no religious belief they could profess that would have allowed them to get a license.
Which one of those covers denying same sex marriage? Not the motivation for denying, because none of those speak to motivation, only to effect.
Wisconsin's lawyers tried that with Posner under "traditional definitions of marriage" and failed. As he noted, that was torpedoed under Loving. Thus, this is a non starter because of res judicata.For prong one, there is a secular purpose -- the discrimination based on sexual orientation. That's a secular reason because it has no religious basis -- motivation, yes, but not a basis. You could be any religion, but it's the state of being gay that causes the discrimination. Of course, this isn't a legal purpose under other laws, but that's not the test under this prong.
In its 1997 decision Agostini v. Felton, the Supreme Court modified the Lemon test. By combining the last two elements, the Court now used only the “purpose” prong and a modified version of the “effects” prong. The Court in Agostini identified three primary criteria for determining whether a government action has a primary effect of advancing religion: 1) government indoctrination, 2) defining the recipients of government benefits based on religion, and 3) excessive entanglement between government and religion.
For the second, it neither advances nor inhibits religion.
O'Connor's suggestions aren't currently thought of as sound jurisprudence, being overly broad.
She expressed her understanding of the establishment clause in the 1984 case of Lynch v. Donnelly, in which she states, “The Establishment Clause prohibits government from making adherence to a religion relevant in any way to a person’s standing in the political community.” Her fundamental concern was whether the particular government action conveys “a message to non-adherents that they are outsiders, not full members of the political community, and an accompanying message to adherents that they are insiders, favored members of the political community.” O’Connor’s “endorsement test” has, on occasion, been subsumed into the Lemon test. The justices have simply incorporated it into the first two prongs of Lemon by asking if the challenged government act has the purpose or effect of advancing or endorsing religion.
The endorsement test is often invoked in situations where the government is engaged in expressive activities. Therefore, situations involving such things as graduation prayers, religious signs on government property, religion in the curriculum, etc., will usually be examined in light of this test.[/i]
In 2013, The Economist pointed out O'Connor's Endorsement test as having proven itself a limited but worthy copartner of the Coercion test (while simultaneously mentioning the legal community's problems with Lemon):
...(Ken) Klukowski* proposes the use of an “historically grounded, principled and objective coercion test” in its stead. According to this view of the establishment clause, “if you don’t like the nativity display, then don’t look at it. So long as government agents are not compelling you to bow before it, pray to it, or put money in an offering box beside it, the Establishment Clause is not offended.”
Such an interpretation conflates the principle of non-establishment with that of religious free exercise protected in the next few words of the first amendment. To compel or ban genuflection, tithing or prayer is to impermissibly “prohibit the free exercise” of religion; the establishment clause is beside the point. Beyond coercion, Mr Klukowski claims that the establishment clause prohibits “a direct and literal establishment of religion.” As long as Congress does not pass a law adopting Christianity as its official creed, in other words, no harm is done. But the implications of this crabbed reading of the establishment clause are untenable. Such a view would allow Barack Obama to install a 100-foot cross on the White House lawn as a testament to his family’s Christian faith. It would permit the return of state-scripted prayer to the public schools, as long as atheists weren’t forced to join in. For all the ambiguities it entails, the endorsement test, applied judiciously, is probably the best reading of non-establishment one could hope for. It is certainly better than available alternatives.
However, it still works here because there is not religious message being endorsed or disapproved of, it's being gay that's being disapproved of.
...on the basis of one particular faith's tenets being prioritized over secular law AND the tenets of other faiths.
It is utterly clear that a state official could not ban the transport, sale or consumption of pork or pork by-products for human consumption because of "his faith", in opposition to the written laws and judicial decisions of the land. But he could enforce the exact same ban if were discovered that there was a virulent and dangerous epidemic being transmitted by consuming pork.
IOW, the motivation matters. Always.
Just trying to get all the tests out there.Again, no one's being coerced into participation or avoidance of religion - it's being gay that's being discriminated against.
Not even close!If this is the case, then the approval of same sex marriage invites an EC challenge under the same judicial theory.
Before the marriage equality decision, no faith was forced to conducting gay weddings, but some were absolutely barred from performing them.
After the marriage equality decision, there is still no legal grounds to force any faith to perform a gay wedding ceremony, but those that wish to, can.
No, it is whether they endorse, coerce or prevent religious activities. While a marriage is a contract in the eyes of the law, the ceremony in which one is created and given can be secular or religious. Here, the faiths wanting to perform legal same-sex marriages were being prevented from doing so.That's not the test under those theories. It's does the act explicitly endorse or coerce religious activities. Same sex marriage is not a religious activity (as far as the law is concerned, at least).
Posner was asking under the due process clause, which uses a similar compelling interest test to the Establishment clause. I can't find anywhere where he asked questions under the theory of an EC violation.
The compelling interest test is the same standard under both: fail under either, fail under both, because if you don't have a compelling interest, you don't have a compelling interest.
Now, if you have SEVERAL, then each must be weighed individually against the various rights it purportedly tramples.
Discrimination based on sexual orientation is secular, because sexual orientation is not a religious belief.
No. See Agostini, above. If the motivation for the denial is religious, it is counter to the EC. And the clerk was clear that her motivation was religious.
Again, see Agostini.The discrimination is secular, not religious, because it discriminates on secular causes, not religious ones.
* of the Liberty University School of Law
EDIT: there was a stray quote tag in the quoted text, and it broke the formatting when I quoted it. I have altered Danny's post about to remove that quote, but I have changed nothing else. /edit(No, since her faith does not permit same-sex marriage.)
(Yes they were, by the explicit testimony of the person denying their right to marry.)
...because she is expressly elevating her faith's tenets above the requirements of secular law. That is a clear EC violation, just as it would be if an Inuit denied Sarah Palin a hunting license because his faith prohibits women from being hunters.
Black's second point, third clause- elevating one faith above others)- IS about motivation, and here, it is the same as when that town backed off only opening with Christian prayers, same as why 10 Commandment Monuments get yanked, etc.
Wisconsin's lawyers tried that with Posner under "traditional definitions of marriage" and failed. As he noted, that was torpedoed under Loving. Thus, this is a non starter because of res judicata.
In addition, in 1997, Lemon got refined:
Note the reformulated second part: "defining the recipients of government benefits based on religion". By denying gays the right to marry because of her faith, the KY clerk runs afoul of SCOTUS' Agostini reformulation of the Lemon test. Her actions deny them everything in the bundle of legal rights the Federal, State and Civic governments have tied to the marital contract.
(Note: this did not create an "Agostini test". Agostini follows Lemon, and merely clarifies Lemon with its reformulation.)
It absolutely does- it prohibits faiths that recognize same sex marriage from performing them.
This goes back to Scalia's majority opinion in Employment Division v. Smith and the Federal RFPA that was passed in response to it. In Smith, the majority found that religious use of peyote was not protected because of the state's interest in controlling drug consumption in general (even though religious use of alcohol by Catholics WAS permitted during Prohibition, as former altar boy & arch-conservative Scalia well knew). The RFPA basically altered that, explicitly crafting a framework for creating limited exceptions.
What?
O'Connor's formulation is completely sound and in current use- from the First Amendment Center:
She expressed her understanding of the establishment clause in the 1984 case of Lynch v. Donnelly, in which she states, “The Establishment Clause prohibits government from making adherence to a religion relevant in any way to a person’s standing in the political community.” Her fundamental concern was whether the particular government action conveys “a message to non-adherents that they are outsiders, not full members of the political community, and an accompanying message to adherents that they are insiders, favored members of the political community.” O’Connor’s “endorsement test” has, on occasion, been subsumed into the Lemon test. The justices have simply incorporated it into the first two prongs of Lemon by asking if the challenged government act has the purpose or effect of advancing or endorsing religion.
The endorsement test is often invoked in situations where the government is engaged in expressive activities. Therefore, situations involving such things as graduation prayers, religious signs on government property, religion in the curriculum, etc., will usually be examined in light of this test.[/i]
In 2013, The Economist pointed out O'Connor's Endorsement test as having proven itself a limited but worthy copartner of the Coercion test (while simultaneously mentioning the legal community's problems with Lemon):
...on the basis of one particular faith's tenets being prioritized over secular law AND the tenets of other faiths.
It is utterly clear that a state official could not ban the transport, sale or consumption of pork or pork by-products for human consumption because of "his faith", in opposition to the written laws and judicial decisions of the land. But he could enforce the exact same ban if were discovered that there was a virulent and dangerous epidemic being transmitted by consuming pork.
IOW, the motivation matters. Always.
Just trying to get all the tests out there.
Not even close!
Before the marriage equality decision, no faith was forced to conducting gay weddings, but some were absolutely barred from performing them.
After the marriage equality decision, there is still no legal grounds to force any faith to perform a gay wedding ceremony, but those that wish to, can.
No, it is whether they endorse, coerce or prevent religious activities. While a marriage is a contract in the eyes of the law, the ceremony in which one is created and given can be secular or religious. Here, the faiths wanting to perform legal same-sex marriages were being prevented from doing so.
The compelling interest test is the same standard under both: fail under either, fail under both, because if you don't have a compelling interest, you don't have a compelling interest.
Now, if you have SEVERAL, then each must be weighed individually against the various rights it purportedly tramples.
No. See Agostini, above. If the motivation for the denial is religious, it is counter to the EC. And the clerk was clear that her motivation was religious.
Again, see Agostini.
* of the Liberty University School of Law
I'm sorry, but that is simply incorrect under Agonisti....to try a different tack: the effect of the clerk's actions is to deny same sex couples access to marriage licenses. To restate: the effect is to discriminate on sexual orientation. That's the sum of the effect. That is what is looked at under the Establishment Clause.
On Tuesday morning, Rowan County Clerk Kim Davis denied marriage licenses to at least two couples, telling them she was acting “under God’s authority.”
http://www.msnbc.com/rachel-maddow-...is-ignores-court-rulings-cites-gods-authority
"I have no animosity toward anyone and harbor no ill will. To me this has never been a gay or lesbian issue. It is about marriage and God's word," her statement said.
http://bigstory.ap.org/article/6b40...ssue-gay-marriage-licenses-after-court-ruling
"My conscience will not allow it," Davis said earlier to Bunning. "God's moral law convicts me and conflicts with my duties."
http://www.usatoday.com/story/news/...-court-clerk-marriage-licenses-gays/71635794/
If you treat this clerk with her religious motivations differently than you treat the atheist bigot, you are actually violating her 1st amendment rights to freedom of religion -- you are changing the way the law affects her solely based on her religious statements.
No, it's not, but okay, let's do this again.I'm sorry, but that is simply incorrect under Agonisti.
Yes, all correct (enough).To reiterate, Agonisti's reformulation & clarification of Lemon enumerated three primary criteria for determining whether a government action has a primary effect of advancing religion:
1) government indoctrination
2) defining the recipients of government benefits based on religion
3) excessive entanglement between government and religion.
Defining recipients of government benefits based on religion doesn't mean what you think it means. It means that you can't base receipt of benefits based on the recipients religion. Not that the motivation to deny benefits is couched in religious terms. The basis for denying benefits here was solely the recipients' sexual orientation, not religion or religious belief. Therefore, it doesn't make the second prong (or the first, or the third). The motivation behind it isn't relevant -- we want people to be able to have religious motivations for secular things. If your example is sufficient, then there is never the ability to have a religious motivation to improve, say, healthcare because the motivation is suspect. This isn't the case (one of the larger expansions of medicare was explicitly because of the bill sponsor's religious beliefs).By her own words, the clerk violates the second criterion. She denied fundamental rights & legal benefits ("government rights") of couples seeking marriage licenses based on the tenets of her faith ("based on religion"):
By Agonisti's reformulation, that's an EC violation, full stop, end of story.
No, it's not an EC violation, either. But that wasn't my example, my example had a totally non-religious reason for denying benefits (general bigotry) and no religious entanglements whatsoever. It was there to illustrate that motive has no bearing on EC violations, because otherwise we treat offenders differently based on their motivation. That leads to punishing people for having religious convictions and not punishing people that don't, which is a 1st Amendment violation, both a freedom of religion violation and an, ironically, Establishment Clause violation (it's a law that punishes religious beliefs).No, you're not: if an atheist government worker denied his agency's services to all members of a particular religion because he felt that those people didn't deserve them due to their faith's tenets, that's every bit as much an EC violation.
100% agreed, but because she's violating those people's due process rights, not because of the Establishment Clause. What the clerk is doing is wrong, and unconstitutional, and I strongly denounce it, but it's not an Establishment Clause violation.Besides, she is completely fee to believe as she wishes, but her faith cannot be used to escape the duties of her position while simultaneously shielding her from the consequences of being unwilling or unable to perform those duties.
An excellent result.One of the religious accommodation cases I covered in law school involved men whose faith demanded they maintain their facial hair uncut. They sued their company because they were systematically and universally denied employment in one of the higher paying jobs in the manufacturing process. The company claimed that the portion of the required safety gear covering the face was defeated by beards...and proved it in court. The company won, and no accommodation was demanded.
A further excellent result. While neither of these examples actually impinges on the Establishment Clause, they do show that religious discrimination can legally occur so long as the it's established that a compelling interest exists. I'm not sure what you think these examples help illuminate in this case.Similarly, the USAF would not be forced to allow a pilot who converted to pacifism to continue flying combat missions in A-10s. They could reassign him or dismiss him from service without penalties.
This is factually incorrect- the test can be applied to both sides, recipient or provider.Defining recipients of government benefits based on religion doesn't mean what you think it means. It means that you can't base receipt of benefits based on the recipients religion.
Again, this is incorrect.The US does not alter whether or not something is a crime based on the particulars of motivation.
I don't follow. If you aren't checking the recipients religion, how does it work to deny benefits? If you can check only the provider's religion, you end up with denying people benefits because the provider has a religion? That's nonsensical. Maybe there's a construction wherein you can logically deny benefits to someone because the provider has religion that doesn't check the recipients religion, but I'm struggling to find one.This is factually incorrect- the test can be applied to both sides, recipient or provider.
Okay, but Agostini is far removed from the facts here. I'll agree they used the Lemon test, and well.In Agostini, the SCOTUS majority (O'Connor, Rehnquist, Scalia, Kennedy, and Thomas) were looking at government funding directed at parochial schools, and, among other things, considered all 3 prongs of the Lemon test (as they redefined it).
I'm sorry, but have you actually read the decision in Agostini? Nowhere do they consider the provider's motives, but instead look at the effects to see what the law does.Specifically to this point, they looked at whether the government backed programs at these schools "defined beneficiaries with reference to religion"; whether the programs "favored or disfavored religion", or "provided incentives for prospective beneficiaries to modify their religious beliefs or practices" in accord with the faith underlying the parochial school in order to receive the services.
Which is to say, they looked at whether the faith of the government-funded programs' gatekeepers determined who received the benefits the government intended to be distributed neutrally. They looked at the benefits providers' motives in the decision making process.
No, misrepresenting the jurisprudence in a case that has nothing to do with the current situation, then reversing the logic misrepresented to try to show that the unrelated situation is a violation does not a prima facie case make.Now, in Agostini, the plaintiffs failed to meet this burden (or any of the other Lemon test standards). In KY, though, the sole gatekeeper of the right in question has publicly admitted that she expects those seeking marriage modify their beliefs or practices to conform to the tenets of her faith, at least on these grounds.*
IOW, her words & actions raise a prima facie case of an EC violation under Agostini.
No, then hinge on mens rea. The actual motivation is irrelevant, just the scope of the guilty mind. If you plan a murder intentionally, you have shown the mens rea to break the law and end a life wantonly, and so get a higher charge. If you are intentionally negligent, and that results in a death, you've knowingly allowed the conditions for a death to occur, and so get the charge of manslaughter. You haven't knowingly and willingly killed someone, so you do not have mens rea for murder.Again, this is incorrect.
The differences between 1st degree murder, negligent homicide, and justifiable homicide (a.k.a., not a crime at all) hinge on motive. Same goes with many other crimes, and in civil law, torts as well: intent can change culpability from 100% to zero.
Yes, okay, I don't understand your point. It seems that you're saying that denying same sex couples marriage licenses isn't a compelling state interest -- to which I'd agree, it is not a compelling interest to violate peoples' due process rights under the 14th Amendment. It's illegal to do this under another law. That doesn't mean that because it's invalid under the 14th, that it's invalidity is transferable to the EC. Denying same sex marriages is a secular thing to do -- it doesn't check the religion of the recipients, it checks their sexual orientation. Why it would check it is irrelevant, it only matters that the check is of a secular matter. In the eyes of the Establishment Clause, there is no need to determine if the action violates other laws -- that's the business of other laws. So the secular checking of sexual orientation as a basis for providing benefits isn't the purview of the Establishment Clause.And in a Constitutional case, being able to define a compelling state interest can turn a violation into no crime at all.